Tìm hiểu một số thông tin về cá độ bóng đá là gì?

Cá độ bóng đá là gì là câu hỏi được nhiều người quan tâm. Đây là hình thức dùng tiền bạc hoặc vật có giá trị về mặt kinh tế để tiến hành đặt cược bóng đá.

Cá độ bóng đá hiện nay là một hình thức cá cược phổ biến và thu hút nhiều người tham gia. Tuy nhiên, nếu như muốn đạt được hiệu quả cao, bạn cần phải thực nắm bắt được những kiến thức liên quan. Trong bài viết này, cùng chúng tôi tìm hiểu một số thông tin về cá độ bóng đá là gì nhé!

Khái niệm cá độ bóng đá là gì?

Cá độ bóng đá không còn là khái niệm xa lạ, đặc biệt là đối với những người đam mê bóng đá. Tuy nhiên, không phải ai cũng có thể hiểu rõ ràng nhất về thuật ngữ  cá độ bóng đá là gì

Cá độ bóng đá chính là hình thức cá cược được diễn ra giữa 2 hoặc 1 nhóm người sử dụng tiền hoặc những vật có giá trị kinh tế tương đương. Đồng thời, hình thức này được diễn ra trong 1 trận đấu hoặc giải đấu bõng nào đó. Cá độ không phải là cách chơi đơn giản, không dựa trên một cơ sở nào để tiến hành so sánh như những trò chơi khác. Có lẽ cũng chính vì điều này mà thị trường cá độ bóng đá luôn rất sôi động và ngày càng thu hút đông đảo người tham gia.

Một số việc cần làm khi tham gia cá độ bóng đá

Khi đã nắm được khái niệm cá độ bóng đá là gì, bạn cần bỏ túi cho mình một số kinh nghiệm giúp dễ dàng chiến thắng hơn khi chơi. Cụ thể như sau:

  • Cần cập nhật kèo đầu tiên mà nhà cái đưa ra thường xuyên. Thông thường thì kèo này sẽ được đưa ra từ 4 đến 5 ngày trước khi trận đấu diễn ra. 
  • Cập nhật thường xuyên các kèo để hạn chế rủi ro gặp phải khi đổi kèo mà bạn không nắm được.
  • Theo dõi thay đổi kèo đều đặn trong ngày cuối cùng. Bởi vì đây chính là thời gian nhà cái thường xuyên đổi kèo. 
  • Cập nhật, kiểm tra thống kê lại tỷ lệ kèo trước 45 phút hoặc 1 tiếng trước khi trận đấu diễn ra.

Bên cạnh những công việc nêu trên, bạn cần phải tích lũy cho mình những kiến thức cơ bản về cá độ bóng đá. Đồng thời, tham khảo những thông tin đến từ các nhà cái cũng như những người có nhiều năm kinh nghiệm. Ngoài ra, bạn cần giữ một tâm lý thoải mái nhất khi tham gia cá độ. Biết kết hợp những yếu tố trên sẽ giúp bạn giành được chiến thắng một cách dễ dàng. 

Kết luận

Tóm lại, cá độ bóng đá không khó như bạn vẫn nghĩ. Tất cả sẽ trở nên đơn giản hơn nếu như bạn cố gắng tìm hiểu các thông tin liên quan  đến hình thức này. Bài viết trên đây đã giúp bạn hiểu thêm về khái niệm cá độ bóng đá là gì cũng như bỏ túi một số kinh nghiệm khi chơi cá độ. Chúc bạn có những giây thoải mái và thú vị nhất cùng với niềm đam mê của mình nhé!

Bên cạnh đó luôn nhớ chơi cá cược bóng đá có trách nhiệm nhé các bạn.

Nhà cái là gì? 3 cách chọn nhà cái uy tín để sinh lời

MNhiều người tham các hình thức cá cược vẫn chưa biết nhà cái là gì? Hãy tham khảo bài viết dưới đây để có thêm hiểu biết về tổ chức này nhé!

Để tham gia cá cược mọi người chơi đều phải thông qua hệ thống của nhà cái. Đây là tổ chức trung gian để bạn thực hiện các giao dịch. Vậy cụ thể nhà cái là gì? Làm thế nào để có thể chọn cho mình tổ chức uy tín để tham gia cá cược? Bài viết dưới đây sẽ giúp bạn giải đáp các thắc mắc trên. Hãy cùng theo dõi nhé!

Nhà cái là gì?

Nhà cái là thuật ngữ dùng để chỉ các tổ chức, doanh nghiệp kinh doanh cá cược ngoại tuyến hoặc trực tuyến. Mọi lĩnh vực liên quan đến vấn đề cá cược đều thuộc về tổ chức này. Nhà cái được người chơi biết đến là đơn vị giúp họ có cơ hội đặt cược để ăn hoa hồng. Tuy nhiên, đây lại là tổ chức có nhiều thế lực khủng đứng đằng sau bảo kê. 

Nhà cái là người đưa ra các mức cược và trả tiền đối với những người chơi trúng thưởng. Ngược lại, tổ chức này sẽ thu lợi nhuận nếu bạn thua cược. Ngoài ra, nhà cái được xem là hoạt động chân chính nếu có đầy đủ giấy phép kinh doanh. Chính vì vậy, người chơi cần chọn cho mình doanh nghiệp uy tín để đặt cược.

Cách chọn nhà cái uy tín

Để lựa chọn cho mình địa chỉ cá cược uy tín thì bạn cần tìm hiểu và đảm bảo các yếu tố sau đây:

Kiểm tra kỹ các thông tin

  • Để đánh giá một nhà cái uy tín thì địa chỉ đó phải có đầy đủ giấy phép hoạt động và bảo hộ hợp pháp cho người chơi.
  • Tất cả các cách thức rút và gửi tiền phải nhanh chóng 
  • Nhà cái phải là bên chịu các mức phí giao dịch
  • Có đội ngũ nhân viên nhiệt tình, thân thiên và túc trực 24/24
  • Tạo mọi điều kiện để người chơi có quyền lợi và lựa chọn trong việc đặt cược

Nên trải nghiệm thử 

Đối với những tổ chức uy tín và chất lượng, họ sẽ không ngần ngại trong việc cho người chơi trải nghiệm thử. Chính vì vậy, bạn nên tham gia thử trước khi đưa ra quyết định cho mình. Thông thường, những địa chỉ lừa đảo sẽ yêu cầu phải nạp tiền trước. Tuy nhiên, nhà cái uy tín sẽ tặng cho bạn một số tiền đủ nhỏ, đủ chơi cho lần đầu tiên. 

Thử nạp tiền

Trước khi tham gia cá cược, bạn nên nạp một khoản tiền nhỏ vào tài khoản. Nếu được xử lý nhanh thì đây là nhà cái chất lượng. Tuy nhiên, để tăng thêm độ tin cậy thì bạn nên thử rút tiền trong tài khoản của mình. Đối với nhà cái chợ đen, họ sẽ tạo mọi lý do để bạn không thể rút tiền về.

Chúng tôi đã cung cấp đến người chơi các thông tin về nhà cái là gì? Hy vọng với những thông tin hữu ích, bạn sẽ lựa chọn được cho mình tổ chức uy tín nhất để việc tham gia cá cược đạt hiệu quả cao. Bên cạnh đó các bạn hãy luôn nhớ chơi cá độ có trách nhiệm nhé.

Cách để trở nên giàu có tại Việt Nam (phần 2 – kèm chi tiết hướng dẫn 2019)

Một cách duy nhất được trình bày trong bài này sẽ là cá cược bóng đá và các bí quyết để soi kèo bóng đá, đặt vé cược ngon lành cho bạn.

Như các bạn đã có thể biết, cá cược được kiểm soát chặt chẽ ở Việt Nam, vì vậy trong trường hợp này, điều quan trọng là phải biết về hoàn cảnh hiện tại và chọn chơi tại những nhà cái uy tín nơi có ty le keo cập nhật nhanh cho tất cả các giải đấu bóng.

Nhìn vào thông tin chính bạn phải biết liệu bạn có cần đặt cược trực tuyến trong hướng dẫn của chúng tôi để đặt cược cho các trận đấu bóng đá bên dưới không.

Đặt cược trò chơi trực tuyến là hợp pháp tại Việt Nam chỉ với một chút kiến thức bóng đá thì quả thật khó. Vì thế ngoài việc hiểu biết kiến thức kèo trực tuyến kèo nhà cái. Bạn cũng nên có sự quan tâm nhất định đến bóng đá qua việc xem và đọc các tin tức bóng đá hàng ngày.

Nhà cái trực tuyến hợp pháp chính là Vua Bài 9. Họ là nhà cái cá cược tốt bậc nhất Việt Nam hiện nay và cung cấp các tài khoản cá cược trên web bằng VND và hơn nữa cung cấp phần thưởng, tiến bộ và cơ hội tốt hơn so với những người tìm thấy tại bất kỳ đâu.

Trong bài viết này, tôi sẽ kiểm tra các địa điểm đặt cược tốt nhất cho người dân Việt, nhưng trước tiên tôi đã có cơ hội nói về cách lưu trữ và kéo lại, kéo theo các thiết kế cơ hội đặt cược.

Lựa chọn nơi chơi cá độ bóng đá vào bóng tốt và uy tín

Để sử dụng bên ngoài các nhà cái cá cược trực tuyến, bạn sẽ có hai tùy chọn để chơi cá độ. Việc đầu tiên và ít đòi hỏi nhất là sử dụng dịch vụ ngân hàng web. Khi bạn thiết lập một bản ghi tại trang web cá cược, về cơ bản bạn sẽ lưu trữ cửa hàng và bạn sẽ có lựa chọn để thực hiện một ngân hàng trực tuyến di chuyển. Tất cả các ngân hàng Việt Nam quan trọng có thể được sử dụng.

Lựa chọn tiếp theo là thiết lập ví điện tử, lý tưởng nhất là với paypal. Điều này sẽ cho phép bạn trợ cấp các tài khoản đặt cược từ xa trong nhiều loại tiền.

Cách thức hoạt động của nó theo cách này: thông qua ngân hàng, bạn có thể chọn các ngân hàng Việt Nam cũng rất tốt, như là Vietcombank, Techcombank… tài trợ cho hồ sơ của mình bằng phương thức tính phí trực tiếp hoàn hảo với ngân hàng. Khi bạn cần rút tiền, bạn có thể gửi tiền hoàn trả cho các ngân hàng này hoặc sử dụng một kỹ thuật thanh toán khác được cung cấp bởi trang web cá cược mà bạn đang sử dụng.

Tỷ lệ cá cược bóng đá

Trên toàn cầu, có tất cả các loại cấu hình cơ hội khác nhau bao gồm tỷ lệ cược Mỹ (dòng tiền), tỷ lệ cược châu Âu (số thập phân), tỷ lệ cược Anh (bộ phận) và cơ hội châu Á kết hợp tỷ lệ cược Hồng Kông, tỷ lệ cược Malay và tỷ lệ cược Indonesia. Ở Việt Nam, cấu hình cơ hội nổi tiếng nhất được sử dụng là Tỷ lệ cược châu Âu (cơ hội thập phân), đây là sự sắp xếp thiết yếu của dân cá độ Việt và được duy trì bởi TẤT CẢ các điểm đến đặt cược bên ngoài Internet.

Cơ hội thập phân nói lên số tiền bạn sẽ được trả (tiền thắng cược PLUS) trên tiền cược chiến thắng. Vì vậy, nếu cơ hội là 1,91, bạn đặt cược 300k và giành chiến thắng, bạn nhận lại 300k * 1,91 = 573k trong đó 300k là cổ phần được trả lại của bạn và 273k là một lời của bạn.

Khi sử dụng bất kỳ địa điểm đặt cược nào được tham chiếu bên dưới để đảm bảo thay đổi cách sắp xếp cơ hội thành số thập phân, một số thời gian được ghi là Châu Âu, EUR hoặc DEC để đảm bảo bạn đặt cược trong thiết kế cơ hội này.

Vì bạn thấy cách lưu trữ và kéo lại, và cơ hội đặt cược hoạt động như thế nào, tôi sẽ truyền bá các địa điểm đặt cược tốt nhất cho anh em cá độ Việt Nam.

Luật cá cược Việt Nam

Nếu bạn lo lắng về tính hợp pháp, các nhà cái trực tuyến được đề xuất trên trang này được ủy quyền ở châu Âu và dọc theo các dòng này hợp pháp theo luật toàn cầu. Ở Việt Nam, luật chính về các cuốn sách bao gồm cá cược là Đạo luật cá cược và Đạo luật Nhà chơi trò chơi chung, thậm chí không đến mức nào có thể nhận ra cá cược trên web.

Làm thế nào để trở nên giàu có ở Việt Nam một cách dễ dàng? (Phần 1 – updated 2019)

Ví dụ, ở Việt Nam, sàn giao dịch chứng khoán lân cận không thể tin được, vì nhiều lý do. Các tài sản, bên cạnh đó, có vẻ phóng đại – hoặc thậm chí các kỳ thi lý tưởng nhất đảm bảo rằng nó là ‘thực sự quý trọng’. Ngụ ý rằng không có nhiều không gian với chi phí để tăng cao hơn về mặt chính hãng.

Vì vậy, đối với Việt Nam, để trở nên có nhiều tiền tôi sẽ làm những điều như sau:

  1. Tích góp và đầu tư từ sớm
  2. Tuy nhiên, trung tâm xung quanh Thị trường Hoa Kỳ, Châu Âu, Châu Á. Tôi sẽ không tập trung vào tất cả các khoản nào thật uy tín khu phố
  3. Nhìn vào những điều nhỏ nhặt – như sắp xếp tăng lương ít hoặc khám phá những cách tiếp cận nhỏ để chi tiêu ít hơn
  4. Học hỏi từ những sai lầm của người khác
  5. Học hỏi từ những cá nhân đã thành công

Động lực đằng sau tại sao đây là cách dễ dàng? Nó bị tách ra. Tất cả những gì bạn cần là làm việc ở lớp, cách quản lý tiền bạc và sự kiên trì không quá tệ.

Bạn không cần bận tâm với khả năng kinh doanh, quảng cáo, giao dịch hoặc hệ thống đặc biệt. Bạn không cần phải giành được 200 triệu, 2 tỷ hay 20 tỷ hay hơn vậy nữa mỗi năm để thực hiện ước muốn làm giàu của mình. Nhưng hãy nhớ là tiết kiệm từ 20k ăn sáng để thử một chút vận may của casino online, xổ số hay 200k để mua một vé cược ở online casino là hoàn toàn đúng đắn.

mọi con đường dài đều bắt đầu với những bước đi nhỏ

Một số khó hiểu tuy nhiên hoàn toàn hợp lý cho quy tắc làm giàu

• 10 điều cá nhân giàu nhận ra rằng rất có thể bạn không, đó là 5 điều bên trên
• Cách tăng cường sự giàu có bằng cách đóng góp: sự Đầu tư dựa trên bằng chứng so với đầu cơ
• Tại sao người giàu chi tiêu ít hơn cho việc hoang phí: quy tắc 70/30 trong tài khoản
• Hơn 120.000 người rất giàu

Các bạn nếu thích bài viết hãy comment cho mình biết và mình sẽ quay trở lại sớm với bài viết chi tiết phần 2 nhé.

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Because we weren’t there?

Entering Libya four days after the fall of Tripoli did not seem, at first, very different from trips I had made to Kosovo, Baghdad and Kabul shortly after those interventions. There were as yet no formalities, still less visas, at the Libyan border. The dusty office chairs at the checkpoints in the Nafusa hills, crookedly propped on their remaining castors, were those favoured by militias in Afghanistan. The charred government office in Zawiyyah could have been in Sarajevo. Similar Japanese cars formed longer lines at the petrol stations in Baghdad. Here too, torn posters of the leader lay in the street; here too, angry crowds shouted outside a bank; and here too, a villa, ‘J-Dammed’ flat by Nato bombs, smelled of dead people.

The last two decades of intervention suggest one thing: that interventions are intrinsically unpredictable, chaotic and uncertain. They can work: the international community played a prudent and constructive role in Bosnia, and the Bosnia of 2005 was far better than that of 1995. But in Iraq and Afghanistan, disorder and chaos seemed predestined. Guilt at lost lives, embarrassment, pride, fear of Islamists and hubris all prevented the West from acknowledging failure: instead of pulling back, they dived ever deeper. And their occupation bloated, warped and corrupted the fundamental structures – social, political and economic – of the countries they were purporting to help.

The lesson for Libya was that the West should not be dragged too far in and that it should anticipate chaos. The language of the UN resolution emphasised restraint: there were to be no troops on the ground and the military operations were designed to protect civilians, primarily in Benghazi, not to topple Gaddafi. But Nato was soon flying 400 miles away from Benghazi, targeting Gaddafi’s headquarters in Tripoli. Lawyers assured me that no one was using the bombing raids to try to kill Gaddafi, generals whispered that Gaddafi could only last another two weeks, and diplomats denied that the rebel government was extremist or divided. But five months later, there had been numerous raids on Gaddafi’s compound; Gaddafi was still in power; and the rebel general, formally arrested on the orders of the rebel deputy leader, had been tortured and executed by an Islamist faction.

The more confident the Western generals became, the more likely disaster seemed. In Afghanistan, Nato leaders had continued to claim progress long after it was obvious that the Afghan government was not becoming more credible, effective and legitimate, and that the Taliban was not defeated. The situation was growing worse not better. The truth was missed in part because it was unbearable and in part because Nato’s leaders were entirely detached from the reality of Afghan rural life. It seemed likely that a similar optimism and isolation would distort their perception of Libya and encourage them to ignore the signs of impending chaos.

There were many reasons to fear that the aftermath of the fall of Tripoli would resemble the first days after the fall of Baghdad. For decades, Libya had been controlled by Gaddafi and his secret police. His sons, allies and a few tribal chiefs had grown fat on largesse, oil, sanctions-busting and the remnants of a state-owned economy. When these men fell, others would scramble to seize what they could. Gaddafi’s civil servants would spend their last moments burning documents and trashing desks, and leave with televisions and armchairs. Their successors would steal the ministry cars. Gaddafi’s cronies would flee for the border with cousins and jewels; and militia groups would squat in their marble-floored villas (with squalid bathrooms because there was no water supply). Gangsters would seize petrol stations; and opportunists would strip the computers from schools and perhaps the beds from hospitals. Garbage and sewage would fill the once tidy streets.

Meanwhile, Islamist brigades might challenge the religious values of the new government. The militias might ask for money to protect businesses. Fights might break out between teenagers with mortars looted from the state arsenals and those with foreign-supplied, truck-mounted anti-aircraft guns. Minor fissures, in the past often irrelevant, between Benghazi and Tripoli, Berber and Arab, desert and coast, Salafi and Brotherhood, tribe and tribe, could suddenly become decisive splits. The villas and the farms, the banks and the hotels of Gaddafi’s children would be up for grabs; so too would be the land transferred illegally by Gaddafi to tribes now out of favour. Others might well fight to gain control of state monopolies; the commissions, agents’ fees and franchises from foreign companies; the contracts from international donors; and $120 billion of overseas Libyan assets. The new self-appointed transitional government, with its expatriate professors, mid-level businessmen and aged dissidents, would struggle. Gaddafi himself predicted much of this.

And it was easy in my first few hours in Libya to find evidence for this way of thinking. Within ten miles of the border, I was stopped at six different checkpoints, manned by teenagers with new-model Kalashnikovs and American rifles. In Bir-al-Ghanam, five pick-up trucks roared into the square and men in clean blue jeans and tight T-shirts leaped out, firing round after round into the air. Who was in control of them? Who could control them? Weapons were everywhere: on the outskirts of Tripoli, I saw, lying on the grass, a gleaming, finned, three-foot live rocket, and nearby, still in its packing case, a seven-foot-long surface-to-air missile.

The militias that clearly were under someone’s control were even more troubling. The man with the long grey beard, combat trousers, aviator shades and quiet voice who told me to get out of my car had the manner of an intelligence officer. The very tall young man in flowing robes with a soft curly beard – whose limousine was waved through the checkpoint with such deference – looked like a Saudi. Mahdi al-Harati, the commander of the Tripoli brigade, who wore his military beret for the Eid prayers, had been the only member of his family not to be imprisoned as an Islamist; he had lived in Dublin, run Islamic relief organisations, sailed on the Gaza flotilla and been shot by Israeli special forces. What were his views? And what of Abdul Hakim Belhadj, who was on the military council and was detained by the CIA in 2004 because of his links to al-Qaida?

The interior minister, in his grey suit and grey tie, held a press conference flanked by overweight mustachioed men in police uniform with colonels’ tabs. One of them told me he had worked in the ‘interrogation’ department under the old regime. ‘When I went to Martyrs’ Square and said I was the interior minister,’ the minister boasted, ‘there was far more shooting in the air than normal – it was to greet me. If you don’t believe me, come with me to the square, I will show you.’ I was not confident of his ability to keep order.

Yet so far Libya has proved, not unpredictably awful but unpredictably good. After 15 years working around interventions, I was watching for any hint of disaster. I noted, for example, that a Berber militia had occupied a prime hotel beside the arch of Marcus Aurelius on the grounds that the owner ‘was a Gaddafi sympathiser’. But even after 24 hours, I couldn’t escape the sense that things were not that bad: that Libyans were delighted and confident, and with justification.

The celebration in the central square that night was far happier, more joyful than any I’d seen in Bosnia, Iraq or Afghanistan. Hundreds of young men in jeans and T-shirts were hanging off cranes, 50 feet in the air. Five-year-olds in bright pink dresses were lining up at popcorn stands. A 50-year-old director of the audit department of the national airline had brought his mother and teenage daughters to see the crowds at midnight. ‘No one in the world has ever seen anything like Gaddafi,’ he said to me. ‘You cannot imagine what it was like. We are just so happy he is gone.’ Like everyone else, he joined in the revolutionary songs, and seemed to know the words. As a mullah tried to make a ponderous statement about God and the martyrs of the revolution, the crowd clapped and chanted: ‘Poor old Gaddafi – it’s time to move on.’

When my new friend the interior minister appeared on stage at two in the morning, in front of the crowd of ten thousand, he had lost his grey tie and his police escort and gained a smile. ‘Young people,’ he began, ‘please, one minute, please – do not fire your weapons in the air – it gives a bad image to the foreigners.’ The crowd continued to fire (one man was hit, it seemed fatally, by a falling bullet) and some teenagers continued to chant. But the minister slowly got the measure of his laughing audience: pausing for long stretches and luring the crowd into moments of silence. Eventually, they even cheered him. And everyone sang the national anthem.

Libya did not look as shabby or dangerous as Iraq. Despite six months of fighting and uncertainty, the lawns in Tripoli were mown, the bougainvillea bushes were bright, and the rubbish was still in garbage bags, not strewn, as in Basra, in suppurating ditches. The shops and petrol stations were reopening, the water supply was beginning to return. The armed 15-year-olds were polite. No one at any of the checkpoints asked for a bribe, or our satellite phones. The Misrata militia in their jeeps were as friendly as the Knights of Zintan in their pick-up trucks. There was little talk of revenge. No one was shooting anyone else.

And to my surprise, there was little looting. In the executive offices, it was not just the furniture and the televisions that were untouched: even the silver ashtrays and gold paperknives were still on the desks. It seemed that no one had slipped even a fountain-pen into their pocket when the government left and the rebels came in. At night, the streets of Tripoli were so jammed with honking cars, waving flags, boys wearing the national colours, that one might imagine Libya had just won the World Cup. The government and the police were not in any position to prevent disorder, but it seemed that the Libyans were not drawn to looting or violence. And no one I spoke to, from expatriate engineers to young gunmen, expected that.

Already people are claiming that the euphoria and calm after the fall of Tripoli could have been predicted and can be easily explained. But such civility was not inevitable; it could not have been assumed from Libyan history or culture. Libya shares many features of countries where anarchy has prevailed. Like Afghanistan or Iraq, it has a distinguished history and has experienced periods of stability but lacks the essential trinity of the international state-building apostles: ‘a vibrant civil society’, ‘rule of law’ and ‘good governance’. It has a rapidly growing young population, which is only partially educated, and few jobs. The traditional forces of tribe and Islam co-exist with more cosmopolitan aspirations, as they do in the rest of the Islamic world.

Many of the positive things that can be said about Libya can be said about other more troubled countries – right down to the small details. Libyans, like Iraqis and Afghans, remember a moderate, tolerant, Western-friendly country in the late 1960s and 1970s, which fell unexpectedly victim to leaders – and an ideology – alien to its indigenous culture. In the same way, the Lebanese writer Nassim Nicholas Taleb maintained that there was nothing preordained in Lebanon’s civil war, that Lebanon had been ‘at peace for centuries’. And in the Balkans in the 1990s, people insisted: ‘I did not even know people’s ethnic group – I have a Serb father, a Croat mother … We were Yugoslavs.’

All these countries can offer equally plausible explanations of why things go right and why things go wrong. One Libyan woman said, ‘it is orderly because there is not the corrupt, gangster class in Libya that there was in Iraq’; but Suleiman, a 20-year-old businessman from Benghazi, replied that under Gaddafi every businessman paid bribes of more than half the value of the contract. An older Libyan minister said there was no looting because the population was ‘educated’, but Suleiman complained of how bad his schooling had been, and how ignorant and isolated Libyans had become. Huda, a young woman working with the TNC, suggested that the paperknives had not been stolen because Libyans were wealthy; others emphasised rural squalor and 30 per cent unemployment. One of the most senior members of the new government said that the mid-level civil service worked well, regardless of the ministers. All other Libyans assured me that Gaddafi had ‘hollowed out the state’ and left nothing functioning behind.

There was some talk of a country impoverished and pulverised by Italian colonialism; and some of an ancient Mediterranean civilisation. For some, Libya was ‘a modern country’ where tribal influences have largely vanished. For others, it was ‘not really a country’ but a colonial creation cobbled together after the war from three states with quite different histories and identities: a place where Gaddafi had emphasised tribal and regional differences, and prevented the emergence of a settled modern identity – a nation ‘in trauma’.

Unlike Libyans, international diplomats and politicians tended not to emphasise Libyan history or Libyan character but the actions of individual leaders. They suggested that there had been no anarchy after the fall of Tripoli because Gaddafi was a hated tyrant; because the Nato military campaign and their post-conflict planning had been particularly strong; and because the Transitional National Council was well prepared. But insofar as the leaders mattered at all, it may be less for what they did than for what they didn’t do.

Gaddafi’s state was not Saddam’s. He didn’t inherit, or rely on, a powerful pre-existing Baath Party apparatus. Or drag his people through an eight-year total war. He tortured and killed, but his trademark – unlike Saddam’s – was not totalitarian brutality. Perhaps because of this there was less rage, less bitterness, less desire to smash the symbols of the old regime than I saw in Iraq. The Nato campaign was deliberately minimal: in terms of both military and civilian support. The most dramatic difference between Tripoli and the other capitals of intervention was the absence of foreigners. Entering Kosovo, I was immediately stuck in a traffic jam of white land-cruisers painted with international acronyms – the one in front of me read ‘Clowns without Frontiers’. US military convoys roared down the highways of Iraq; heavy machine-guns pointed into market squares; razor-wire and cement barriers cut off urban streets. The executive offices in Kabul were filled with young laptop-wielding, jeans-wearing European and American advisers. I saw none of this in Tripoli.

And Libya’s rebel ‘government’ was relatively weak. In Afghanistan, those who pushed out the Taliban were long established warlords. Ismail Khan in Herat had led the first uprising against the Soviets in 1979; the governor of Helmand had been connected to the opium trade for decades and had many armed men. The SCIRI opposition in Iraq was established in the early 1980s; Dawa in the late 1950s. Chalabi was a well-known figure in Washington. Each had known foreign backers and links to foreign intelligence services. They all had their resources, their mutual resentments, their deep ideological differences and their long-established plans for domination. They had aides, and a plethora of satellite phones.

The executive offices of the Transitional National Council by contrast felt as placid as an old people’s home, or a cruise liner. One senior cabinet minister didn’t yet have a single secretary, and seemed to have only very vague ideas of what his department needed. One floor up, I found a deputy minister watching television three days after the fall of the city; there wasn’t a paper on his desk. During the 45 minutes I spent with him, only one person looked in; and when he picked up the phone, no one answered. Only Ali Tarhouni, the deputy prime minister, had aides and energy and he was an American academic who apparently hadn’t been back to Libya since 1978.

Such multiple sources of weakness may prove to be a strength. Since Gaddafi’s state was not powerful, its fall may have comparatively little effect. Security in the streets was provided almost from the start by neighbourhood committees, many organised from mosques; their effectiveness and legitimacy was taken almost for granted and they did not seem (yet) to be abusing their power. The lack of foreigners allowed Libyans to feel that the revolution was theirs, not an international production. It also meant that our curious priorities and processes were not imposed on Libyan politics. The Islamists and the Gaddafi loyalists couldn’t portray the new government as a puppet, or market themselves as fighting for Libya and Islam against a foreign military occupation.

Even the improvisatory, passive nature of the opposition may have been constructive. It included many members of Gaddafi’s government who were working from the very beginning to make links with their former colleagues. When the politician Abdul Hafiz Ghoga arrived in Benghazi and criticised the council, they invited him in. They seemed to be able to incorporate Islamists with equal ease. Every time they described their strategy, they talked about compromise and negotiation. Sometimes people spoke like this in Afghanistan and Iraq too – explaining how easy it would be to cut deals with the Taliban or the Sunni insurgency – but the US-led coalition rarely let them try.

And then there was their attitude to the West. I expected the minister of health – a British-Libyan doctor who knew I was an MP – to present a shopping list of demands. But when I asked him about foreign support, he said that Libya had been ‘well-supported by Qatar and the UAE, by Turkey and Tunisia’. And there he stopped. When I asked about the UN agencies and NGOs, he said he had seen a bit of them in ‘stake-holder meetings’ held on Tuesdays in Benghazi, but the meetings had petered out. He implied that the processes for getting support from Western aid agencies were far too bureaucratic, that he would stick with Middle Eastern cash, confident that Libya would get what it needed. The mixture of self-importance and desperation that created the destructive, co-dependent marriage between foreigners and locals in Afghanistan seems to be entirely absent in Libya.

But it would have been easy to take the same factors – a weak Gaddafi state, a light foreign footprint and a weak rebel government – and assume these were ingredients for disaster. This is why the major lesson of the post-1989 interventions should not be a renewed confidence in ‘the responsibility to protect’, or a belief that we have found a new secret recipe in targeted air-power. We shouldn’t think we know how to construct ‘a transitional administration’; even to attempt to pin down the common elements in the successful cases – population size, GDP per capita, ethnic composition – would be misguided.

These events are inherently unpredictable. There are no universal traits that condemn a society to anarchy when the leviathan falls. The violence I witnessed in Iraq, and felt was the inevitable result of a revolution, was in fact specific to that moment in that place and in particular to its Shia parties, their fraught and contradictory relationship to their neighbours and to their nation. But even apparently clear differences between countries aren’t as helpful as they seem. For example, Libya, unlike Iraq or Afghanistan, has no serious ethnic or sectarian divisions – no Arab-Kurd, no Pashtun-Tajik, no Sunni-Shia divides – but this on its own can’t explain the difference: Libya’s neighbour Algeria has no Shia population and has nevertheless experienced decades of civil war.

The lesson of all this shouldn’t be inaction. Intervention isn’t doomed to fail – countries can turn out unpredictably well, as well as unpredictably badly. If we cannot come to any satisfactory conclusions on the London riots – a limited event, exhaustively documented, in our own capital – what sense can we make of why they did not riot in Tripoli?